A Mosaic of Light and Shadow, Good and Bad Intentions

The UK's national migration plan moves forward. Of course, the aristocrats and capitalists remain on the mainland.

A conversation among upper-class politicians:

"If you had migrate, where would you go?"

"Probably the Bermudas for me. The mid-latitude climate is pleasant, and it seems like a comfortable place to live."

"I'd pick the Virgin Islands. The Caribbean that hasn't disappeared is pretty great, don't you think?"

"Those islands shouldn't be handed over to the commoners."

"Absolutely agree."

And so, resort destinations were excluded from the migration plan, reserved as retreats for the upper class.

- ほうこうおんち

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No human being is entirely motivated by goodwill alone, nor entirely by malice. Among Europeans, there is a form of goodwill that manifests as follows:

"How pitiful it is that these savages do not know Christianity. Let us teach them God's teachings."

"How pitiful it is that these savages do not know civilization. Let us teach them the wisdom of humanity."

"How pitiful it is that these savages do not know democracy. Let us teach them advanced political methods."

"How backward it is to adopt isolationist policies without trade. Let us teach these poor countries the path to prosperity."

To those who reject these overtures:

"As a parent disciplines a child, we will forcibly dispel their ignorance. They may resent us now, but surely, in time, they will thank us."

What seems like goodwill to them is perceived as malice by those on the receiving end. Furthermore, as times change, imposing one's values can also come to be seen as malice. Beneath the veneer of self-righteousness lies the unacknowledged malice of wanting to impose one's will on others.

This tendency is also present in Japan. Among Asianists, there are those whose goodwill conceals, often unknowingly, a core of condescension.

"They are lagging behind. Japan is a first-rate nation. The only independent countries in Asia today are Japan and Thailand. Even Thailand cannot compare to us. Therefore, we must first liberate territories under the colonial rule of the great powers, initially govern them ourselves to set an example, educate them to develop political competence, and eventually grant them independence."

This arrogance, akin to that of Westerners, is at least straightforward. More subtle, however, is the "goodwill" of the bureaucrats in the Planning Board.

"At this rate, Japan cannot sustain itself. There are two options: return to the Edo period, when we managed without selling goods to the American market and acquiring wealth, or devise strategies for sustainable economic growth. Who would choose the former? The latter is the only viable choice. But there are few who can draft plans for sustainable growth. Entrepreneurs focused on personal profit or politicians subject to the electorate's immediate interests cannot do it. Only we bureaucrats can chart the nation's course."

The complexity lies in the correctness of their argument. They are not wrong. Japan, lacking resources and economic power, having once been excluded from the Anglo-French economic bloc, and unable to import iron and oil due to the absence of North America, cannot afford to waste resources recklessly. Plans must be made, and resources managed carefully.

Few people can craft meticulous and accurate plans. The bureaucrats must gather wisdom, create plans for the nation's stability, and implement them. While the populace concerned only with immediate benefits might be dissatisfied, there is no other path to survival. The bureaucrats understand they will be resented, yet they proceed with determination.

They do not possess the arrogance of believing themselves divine emissaries guiding the ignorant masses. They are aware their approach will make them unpopular. Even so, they move forward, prepared for the consequences.

They also recognize that their ideology closely resembles communism—perhaps it is communism in essence. But what, exactly, is wrong with communism? The flaw lies not in the ideology itself but in the execution, such as the Soviet Union's methods of deposing monarchies, conducting terroristic global revolutions, and elevating men like Stalin, who controlled nations despite being mere mortals.

Japan does not need a revolution. Under the Emperor, all citizens need only observe decorum, adhere to order, and dedicate themselves to their roles. What is needed is a form of bureaucratic communism under the Emperor.

Though they do not articulate it so bluntly, this is the essence of their ideology when distilled. This ideology also aligns with that of certain Army officers. Among the Army's two major factions, the currently dominant Control Faction shares this view. They believe that strengthening national defense requires reforms in economic structures:

- Strengthening national defense = total national mobilization

- Reforming economic structures = a controlled economy

Thus, their ideologies are inherently compatible.

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Now, in a world where ideals and pragmatism, goodwill and malice are intertwined, and many people act based on convictions they themselves cannot fully organize, Nobusuke Kishi stood apart.

He was not a communist. In fact, one could describe him as an anti-communist.

While he saw potential in national socialism, he viewed even that as a mere expedient. He understood liberal economics but contemplated what Japan should do after being excluded from and denied access to such a system. Kishi harbored selfish ambitions. What set him apart from the average person was his clear acknowledgment of these ambitions as such.

"A bureaucrat-led government driving Japan's politics may seem ideal, but in truth, it's nothing more than a reflection of my own ambitions. I want to steer Japan in the way I see fit, and for that, a bureaucratic system suits my purpose. But even this is just a means to an end. Ideally, politicians who can effectively manage bureaucrats and leverage their capabilities should be elected. And who else but me could fulfill that role?"

Such thinking freed him, in a way, from being trapped by ideals. At his core, he understood.

'I have no grand 'ideals.' I simply observe reality and choose what works best in the moment.'

While he did have a vision of a "strong Japan" and a "Japan that commands respect from other nations," his concept of ideals was far removed from lofty notions such as "The Emperor-centered imperial way and adherence to his will," "A society where all workers and farmers are justly rewarded," and "The prosperity of all five races and world peace."

Kishi had no such ideals. For him, communism, national socialism, democracy, the imperial way, centralized control, and liberal society were all options to be chosen based on what best suited the circumstances at the time.

He also embodied the traits of the political monster or strategic machine often seen in Japanese history. He did not seek power because he wanted to achieve something specific. Rather, he believed he was suited for power, and once he held it, he committed to fulfilling his responsibilities diligently. Though his means and ends were reversed, he was fully aware of this and maintained control over himself. Thus, when necessary, he did not hesitate to betray others.

This time, his actions fell under the category of intrigue. He leveraged the strength that came from being invited to serve as a minister in the Higashikuni Cabinet.

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One day, the Kenpeitai abruptly stormed into the Home Ministry's Police Affairs Bureau Security Division, the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department, and the Osaka Prefectural Police, among other institutions.

"Special Higher Police officer ○○, you are under arrest on suspicion of violating the Peace Preservation Law!"

The enforcers of the law were stunned. Such accusations were entirely unexpected.

"What nonsense is this? I am being groomed to become the next Deputy Minister of the Home Ministry! This is outrageous! Besides, what crime have I supposedly committed?"

"There was a report against you."

"A report? Do you think you can arrest me based on mere hearsay—"

"Exactly what you've done countless times yourself. Take him away!"

Scenes like this unfolded across the country. Those taken away never returned. Shortly afterward, a nationwide directive was issued to all Special Higher Police units.

"It has been determined that the arrested individuals were true communists seeking to bring ruin to the Empire. Under their directives, young scholars, officials, and intellectuals who were earnestly researching for the nation's future were captured. Their goal was to stigmatize those who genuinely served the country, punish them, and weaken Japan, all under orders from the Comintern. Moving forward, reflect on being manipulated by such enemy agents. Abandon independent investigations and continue working to uphold the Peace Preservation Law under close coordination with the government."

This effectively made it impossible to investigate anyone whom the state deemed off-limits. If anyone disregarded this directive and continued to pursue such individuals, they were warned.

"You could end up like the arrested Special Higher Police executives. Are you willing to take that risk?"

The mastermind behind this plan, executed through Army Minister Hideki Tōjō, showed their cunning by not dismantling the Special Higher Police entirely. They recognized the utility of the organization and ensured they would not be branded a Red themselves. Furthermore, they sought to bring the Special Higher Police under their direct control.

'We can't afford another Planning Board Incident, can we?'

Aware that their actions flirted with communist methodologies, this anti-communist wielded a hammer of suppression in a distinctly communist manner—against an organization that might otherwise have labeled them communists and pushed them into a corner using brute force. The motive? Simply to eliminate obstacles to their agenda.

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This purge had a secondary effect. Students at Tokyo Imperial University and Kyoto Imperial University loudly cheered and voiced their support for the Higashikuni Cabinet. These students had long suffered under the intrusions of the Special Higher Police, which trampled on their academic freedom. While communist-leaning student movements gained momentum, another group—students who sympathized with communist ideals but were more focused on science and engineering than politics—regained their enthusiasm.

'Students are naturally drawn to idealism and often flirt with communism in their youth. It's like a rite of passage, much like measles. Frankly, young people ought to have that kind of passionate foolishness. Once they enter the workforce, start families, and confront reality, they'll inevitably change their views.'

Just as this individual anticipated, the fervent youth soon became aware of Japan's precarious position. They realized it was not something that could be addressed with ideological games about communism, workers' rights, or global revolution. Among these young people, the most capable would eventually rise to confront the unthinkable crises looming over Japan. Ironically, these earnest individuals—driven by a desire to save countless lives on a global scale—were born out of the malicious intent of an ambitious person who sought to destroy any organization that might hinder their plans.

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Thank you very much (Though, maybe I'm the one who's actually tired).

I'll revert to the original update schedule.

- ほうこうおんち